For other versions of this document, see http://wikileaks.org/wiki/CRS-RL33911 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress ¢ In October 2002, the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) launched a peace process designed to end factional fighting in Somalia, led by the government of Kenya. In September 2003, the parties agreed on a Transitional National Charter (TNC). In August 2004, a 275-member Transitional Parliament was inaugurated in Kenya. In October 2004, parliament elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as the new president of Somalia. In June 2006, the forces of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) took control of the capital, Mogadishu. During the six-month rule by the ICU, Mogadishu became relatively peaceful, but efforts to bring peace did not lead to a major breakthrough. On December 28, 2006 Ethiopian troops captured Mogadishu with little resistance from the ICU. The Ethiopian intervention has led to more chaos and instability in Somalia over the past two years. Humanitarian, political, and security conditions continue to deteriorate across south-central Somalia. In the past two years, more than 10,000 civilians have been killed, an estimated 1.1 million people displaced, and 476,000 Somalis have fled to neighboring countries. In 2008, fighting between insurgent groups and Ethiopian-TFG forces intensified, and by late 2008, the TFG had lost control of most of south-central Somalia to insurgent groups. In November 2008, the Ethiopian government announced that its forces would pull out of Somalia by the end of 2008. In mid-December 2008, President Yusuf fired his prime minister, although he did not get the approval of the Somali Transitional Parliament. In June 2008, the TFG and the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), a group dominated by members of the ICU, signed an agreement in Djibouti mediated by United Nations Special Envoy Ahmedou Ould-Abdullah. The parties agreed to a cease-fire, the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces, and the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force. Several towns are now administered by the ARS, including Jowhar and Beledweyne. A number of other towns, including the third largest town, Kismaayo, are now under the control of the Al-Shabaab, a group opposed to the TFG and the ARS-Djibouti faction. The next phase of the Somali conflict is likely to occur between the ARS and the Al-Shabaab. In February 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice designated Al-Shabaab as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. Meanwhile, Somali pirates have intensified their attacks in the Gulf of Aden, carrying out attacks on over 90 commercial ships, and successfully hijacked over 35 ships in 2008. Currently an estimated 14-18 ships are under the control of the pirates, including a Saudi-owned supertanker, Sirius Star, and a Ukranian-owned ship, MV Faina, with 33 T-72 tanks and other weapons. The pirates have earned more than $50 million in ransom payments, and have released a number of the ships and crew members. The United States, Russia, India, and several other countries have deployed warships to tackle piracy in the Horn of Africa region, although the problem still persists. Some insurgent leaders have warned the pirates to end their illegal activities and to release crew members and ships that they currently control. This report will be updated as circumstances warrant. Recent Developments................................................................................................................ 1 Political Developments ....................................................................................................... 1 Security Conditions................................................................................................................... 2 Human Rights and Humanitarian Conditions ........................................................................... 3 Somali Piracy in the Horn of Africa.......................................................................................... 3 Overview............................................................................................................................. 3 Who Are the Pirates? .......................................................................................................... 4 The Views from Somalia..................................................................................................... 5 Policy Options in Dealing with Piracy................................................................................ 5 Policy Options in Dealing with Political and Security Problems ....................................... 6 The Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia................................................................... 6 Background: 2006-2008 .................................................................................................................. 8 Peacekeeping Mission: Background.............................................................................................. 10 The Islamic Courts Union ..............................................................................................................11 The Leadership of the Somali Council of the Islamic Courts ...................................................... 13 The Top Leaders of the Courts ...................................................................................................... 14 The Executive Council............................................................................................................ 14 The Legislative Council or Shura............................................................................................ 14 Leadership of the Transitional Federal Government ..................................................................... 15 Ethiopia-Somalia Relations ........................................................................................................... 15 Somalia: Background (1991-2006) ............................................................................................... 17 Peace Processes....................................................................................................................... 17 National Reconciliation Conference ................................................................................. 18 Somalia: Safe Haven for Terrorist Groups?................................................................................... 19 Al-Ittihad................................................................................................................................. 20 Figure 1. Major Somali Clans and Subclans ................................................................................. 21 Figure 2. Map of Somalia.............................................................................................................. 22 Table 1. The Leadership of the Executive Council of the ARS Before the Split............................. 7 Author Contact Information .......................................................................................................... 23 Humanitarian and security conditions continue to deteriorate in south-central Somalia, despite some political progress and a recent peace agreement between the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), a group formed by former members of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and Somalis from different backgrounds. The ouster from power of the ICU by Ethiopian forces in December 2006 created a security vacuum that was soon occupied by the more radical elements of the ICU's military factions. The moderate leadership of the ICU became marginalized, splintered, and weakened over the past year. U.S., TFG, and Ethiopian officials labeled the entire leadership of the ICU as extremist and terrorist in 2006. Eighteen months later, however, the same officials supported the inclusion of some former ICU members in a U.N.-led peace process. In May-June, 2008, TFG and ARS officials met in Djibouti under the auspices of the United Nations. Officials from the United States, Europe, the African Union, the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Conference, and regional governments took part as observers during the talks in Djibouti. The parties agreed on a wide range of issues, including cessation of hostilities and a commitment to find a durable peace agreement.1 The parties agreed to support the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force and the phased withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somalia. The agreement, however, links the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces with the deployment of a U.N. peacekeeping force, although Ethiopian forces have already withdrawn from some areas. In addition, in November 2008, the Ethiopian government announced that its forces would pull out of Somalia by the end of 2008. The parties also agreed to provide unhindered humanitarian access to civilians in need and to establish a Joint Security Committee to ensure implementation of security arrangements and create an interim joint security force.2 The parties established a High Level Committee, chaired by the United Nations, to deal with political, justice, and governance issues. The Djibouti agreement is complicated and has repeatedly been undermined by in-fighting within the TFG, insecurity, growing influence of insurgent groups, and limited support by the international community. The TFG forces are weak, ineffective, and seriously debilitated by defections. Over the past year, an estimated 40% of the police force, trained by the United Nations, left the force due to lack of payment. Some donor governments have withheld funds pledged to the TFG due to lack of transparency and human rights abuses. Infighting within the TFG, especially between Prime Minister Nur Adde and President Yusuf, also has weakened the TFG. In November 2007, Prime Minister Nur Adde replaced Ali M. Ghedi, a man seen by many Somalis as ineffective and highly partisan. Prime Minister Nur Adde, who is seen by many Somalis and Somali observers as a key actor to bridge the gap between the TFG and the opposition, often clashed with President Yusuf. In July 2008, the prime minister dismissed the mayor of Mogadishu and Governor of Benadir region, Mohamed Dheere, because of mismanagement of funds. In protest, ten pro-Yusuf ministers resigned, triggering a crisis within the TFG. In August 2008, the prime minister and the president 1 CRS interview with senior TFG officials and members of the Somali opposition in Kenya, May and August 2008. 2 United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), August 2008. met in Ethiopia, and later reached an agreement on a number of issues. In Mid-December 2008, President Yusuf fired Prime Minister Nur and named Mohamed Mohamud Guled as the new prime minister. The prime minister has rejected his dismissal arguing that President Yusuf lacked the legal authority to dismiss him and that only Parliament has the power to dismiss the prime minister. On December 15, 2008, a majority of the Somali Parliament voted in support of Prime Minister Nur Adde. The government of Kenya imposed a travel ban and asset freeze against President Yusuf. The ongoing Djibouti peace process aims to establish a new, inclusive government in Mogadishu.3 The primary objective is to form a new National Unity Government made up of Somalis from different backgrounds, including former members of the ICU. The parties also reportedly plan to expand the current 275-member parliament. The Somali Parliament has been inactive due to insecurity, defections, and infighting. The Djibouti peace process, however, faces serious challenges. The balance of military power on the ground has shifted in favor of the Al- Shabaab "The Youth", a group determined to expand its influence and control beyond Mogadishu. The Al-Shabaab, if successful in capturing Mogadishu, is likely to seek control of Somaliland and Puntland by military means. Some of the military commanders of the ICU are likely to join forces with the Al-Shabaab. A negotiated settlement between the ICU and the Al-Shabaab is possible, with the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces and intervention by clan elders. Some of the Al-Shabaab leaders are currently engaged in talks with some members of the ICU. But the leaders of the Al-Shabaab are not fully known, with the exception of some. Some of the key commanders and leaders of the Al-Shabaab come from Somaliland. Ahmed Abdi Godane, who is on the U.S. terrorism list, is a key commander, who trained and fought in Afghanistan and comes from Somaliland. Mukhtar Robow, who is on the U.S. terrorism list, is the spokesman of the Al-Shabaab. Another key leader is Ibrahim Haji Jama, who is on the U.S. terrorism list, reportedly trained and fought in Afghanistan. In February 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice designated Al-Shabaab as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist. ¢ In 2008, insurgent groups have stepped up attacks against Ethiopian and TFG forces in south- central Somalia. In some cases, TFG forces simply withdrew from some areas. As of late November 2008, insurgent groups were in control of most of south-central Somalia, including the third largest town, Kismaayo. Ethiopian and TFG forces, as well as the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), do not have control or presence outside Baidoa and Mogadishu. Even in the case of Mogadishu, the insurgents control some parts of Mogadishu and some of their forces are active outside the capital. The forces of the ARS are reportedly in control of Beledweyne and Jowhar, with some support from Ethiopian and TFG forces.4 The Al-Shabaab forces also have expanded their military operations to other parts of Somalia and routinely assassinate opponents and government officials. Security conditions are likely to deteriorate further in the coming months, despite the peace agreement between the TFG and the ARS. In late October 2008, simultaneous and well- 3 CRS interview in Kenya with U.N. Special Envoy Ould-Abdallah, August 2008. 4 CRS interview with a leader of the Islamic Courts, November 2008. coordinated suicide attacks in Puntland and Somaliland reportedly killed an estimated 20 people and injured many more. The targets of the attacks were the Ethiopian Consulate, the office of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and a security office close to the Presidential Palace. The suicide mission was reportedly carried out by members of the Al-Shabaab, although no organization claimed credit for the attacks. One of the suicide bombers is an American-Somali from Minneapolis, who, according to press reports, left the U.S. to take part in the suicide attacks. Reportedly, over a dozen Somali youth from Minneapolis have left the U.S, and some community leaders believe they went to Somalia to join the insurgency. There is no clear evidence of how many and for what purpose these Somalis left Minneapolis.5 Over the past decade, many Somalis have returned to Somalia to work as journalists, humanitarian workers, and teachers. A number of these Somalis have been killed in the past two years by insurgents and security forces. In 2008, humanitarian and human rights conditions became worse than previous years, according to United Nations officials and Somali humanitarian workers. An estimated 1.1 million people have been displaced and more than 475,000 have fled to neighboring countries in the past two years. Human rights groups and Somali observers estimate more than 10,000 people have been killed over the past eighteen months. Civilians, humanitarian workers, journalists, and human rights advocates have been the primary targets of the insurgents, TFG, and Ethiopian security forces. According to Amnesty International, "rape, killings and looting have become widespread. Entire neighborhoods have been destroyed."6 A number of Somali journalists covering the crisis in Somalia have been assassinated by insurgents and security forces over the past eighteen months. Dozens of humanitarian and human rights advocates have been killed, injured, or imprisoned by TFG and Ethiopian security forces. Because of these targeted attacks, many human rights advocates and journalists have fled Somalia to neighboring countries for safety.7 Somalis working for international NGOs and foreign media have also been attacked by insurgents and TFG/Ethiopian security forces. ¢ Somali pirates have intensified their attacks in the Gulf of Aden, carrying out attacks on over 90 commercial ships, and successfully hijacked an estimated 40 ships in 2008. As of late November 2008, an estimated 14-18 ships were under the control of the pirates, including a Saudi-owned supertanker, Sirius Star, and a Ukranian-owned ship, MV Faina, which is carrying 33 T-72 tanks and other weapons, according to press reports. The pirates have reportedly earned more than $120 million in ransom payments, and have released a number of ships and crew members. The United States, Russia, India, and several other countries have deployed warships to tackle piracy in the Horn of Africa region, although the problem still persists. Some insurgent leaders have warned the pirates to end the piracy and to release crew members and ships currently controlled by the 5 "Young Somali Men Missing from Minneapolis," International Herald Tribune, November 27, 2008. 6 "Routinely Targeted Attacks on Civilians in Somalia," Amnesty International, May 2008. 7 CRS interviewed a number of journalists and human rights advocates in Kenya in 2007 and 2008. In November 2008, CRS met with a group of Somali human rights advocates, who fled Somalia for safety. pirates. In December 2008, the Indian Navy reportedly arrested 23 Somali and Yemeni pirates. On December 16, 2008, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution authorizing the use of "all necessary measures" by foreign military forces to stop piracy in Somalia. The resolution authorizes military operations inside Somalia and in its airspace for one year, with the consent of the TFG. The number of Somali pirates is unknown. While there are more pirates now than previous years, the pirates do not seem to have a unified organization with clear command structure. Many of these pirates are reportedly fishermen and former militia members of the Somali warlords. The pirates primarily come from Puntland region of Somalia and are members of different clans. Some press reports have suggested that the pirates are being controlled and directed by the Islamic insurgents in south-central Somalia. There is no evidence, however, to support this assertion, and during the six months the ICU was in power, the leaders took measures to end piracy and other criminal activities. In November 2008, one of the top leaders of the insurgents, Sheik Hassan Aweys, called on the pirates to end their criminal activities, and other insurgent leaders threatened to take military action against the pirates. The pirates, however, are not operating alone, according to a number of Somali and regional sources. Some Somali businessmen and officials in Puntland are reportedly behind the piracy. The pirates are reportedly receiving valuable information about the types of ships, cargo, and timing from Somalis in the Persian Gulf.8 They also possess sophisticated technology, including Global Position Systems (GPS), Automatic Identification System (AIS), and satellite phones. 8 CRS interviews with Somali officials, opposition leaders, and regional officials. Some Somalis view the piracy crisis as a scitsitatS & stcaF :ailamoS foreign problem with little impact on their daily life. Some argue that the piracy problem ).tse 8002( noillim 5.9 :noitalupoP will continue as long as the shipowners are willing to pay the pirates ransom. In the face ).tse 8002( %58.2 :etar htworG of difficult economic conditions and growing sraey 2.94 :ycnatcepxe efiL humanitarian crisis, many Somalis resent the saxeT naht rellams ylthgils :ezis etamixorppA fact that the piracy problem has received a great deal of international attention. Some uhsidagoM :latipaC Somali community leaders contend that some shtrib evil 000,1/shtaed 79.011 :etaR ytilatroM tnafnI Somalis get involved in criminal activities in ).tse 8002( order to survive, while many others have made ).tse 1002( %1 :etar ecnelaverp tluda ,SDIA/VIH these kinds of criminal activities a lifetime ).tse 7002( 006$ :atipac rep ,PDG profession. Since the collapse of the Siad Barre government in 1991, Somalis have been ).tse 7002( %6.2 :etar htworg laer ,PDG principal victims of criminals. Somalis had to ,ilamoS-non rehto & utnaB ;%58 ,ilamoS :spuorg cinhtE pay "taxes" to warlords in order to pass from )000,03 ,sbarA gnidulcni( %51 one neighborhood to another. Humanitarian milsuM innuS :noigileR assistance convoys are routinely targeted by ilamoS :egaugnal laiciffO criminal elements, forcing humanitarian agencies to hire gunmen for protection. Many Somalis contend that in the absence of a better alternative, they have come to accept life with all the difficulties they face daily.9 Some Somalis argue that the fishermen have become pirates because their way of life was destroyed by illegal fishing and toxic waste dumping that has been ignored by foreign governments. In 2005, the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) released a report documenting the damages done as a result of toxic waste dumping on Somalia's shores. According to a UNEP spokesman, "there's uranium radioactive waste, there's lead, there's heavy metals like cadmium and mercury, there's industrial waste, and there's hospital wastes, chemical wastes, you name it." According to the report, the primary reason for toxic dumping in Somalia is cost. The report states that it costs $2.5 per ton to dump toxic waste in Africa compared to $250 per ton to dump waste in Europe.10 In July 2008, United Nations Special Envoy Ould-Abdallah stated that "because there is no (effective) government, there is so much irregular fishing from European and Asian countries." The Special Envoy argued that it is important to tackle these illegal activities by some countries, and not to solely focus on the problem of piracy.11 ¢ ¢ The international community has responded to the threat of piracy by deploying warships to the Gulf of Aden. The United Nations Security Council has passed resolutions on piracy in the Horn of Africa. Since the deployment of these warships to the region, however, the number of hijacked 9 Ted Dagne interviewed many Somalis in Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya in 2007-2008. 10 http://new.unep.org/tsunami/reports/TSUNAMI_SOMALIA_LAYOUT.pdf 11 Ted Dagne interview with U.N. Special Envoy in Kenya, August 2008. ships has increased. Moreover, there has been no rescue operation as of November to free crew members and ships still under the control of the pirates. Somali community leaders and regional analysts argue that the groups most capable and best positioned to handle the piracy problem are the Islamic insurgents and the clan elders. The Islamic Courts dealt with this problem effectively when they were in power, according to senior leaders of the Islamic Courts and independent observers. The Islamic insurgents claim that they are opposed to these kinds of criminal activities for religious reasons. The Islamic leadership sees the piracy problem as a source of concern because they fear that they could erroneously or deliberately linked to the piracy phenomenon and become targets of punitive action by the international community. Another option is to provide quick and robust economic incentives to lure the unemployed away from piracy and other criminal activities. ¢ ¢ The international community may consider engagement with the Islamic insurgents and clan elders to deal with the political and security problems facing Somalia. According to some observers, it is pivotal to strengthen the moderate elements of the Islamic movements discretely. Most observers believe that the Al-Shabaab can only be contained by another Islamic movement supported by clan elders. Some of the most influential leaders in the Al-Shabaab are on the U.N. and U.S. Terrorism List. Some observers argue that removing some of these individuals from the Terrorism List in exchange for some concessions, including an end to the insurgency and acceptance of a negotiated settlement, should be considered as an option. One of the key players in facilitating the Djibouti talks was a Somali man on a United Nations Terrorism List. According to U.N. officials, that man is no longer on the Terrorism List. Some of the leaders in the Al-Shabaab are determined to continue their military campaign and not inclined to participate in negotiations. According to some experts, targeted measures, including sanctions and assassination of the most extreme elements of the Al-Shabaab, could pave the way for other moderate leaders to emerge. However, others believe that this option is likely to backfire in the short term and increase anti-western violence. Another option is to refer some of these individuals to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes. The most effective way of containing the extremists, most observers contend, is to look for a Somali-led solution, both political and military. The TFG, Islamic Courts, Somaliland, Puntland, and other moderate Somali forces could form a coalition to contain the advances of the most extreme elements of the Al- Shabaab politically and militarily. Such a coalition is likely to get the support of the Somali population rather than a peacekeeping force. The coalition can be assisted by neighboring countries. A Somali-led initiative would take away one of the most powerful justifications used by the Al-Shabaab to wage war, the presence of foreign forces. A unified regional approach is pivotal, however. Most believe that Eritrea has leverage over some of the influential Islamic leaders, some of whom are in Eritrea. The ARS was founded in Eritrea, and some of its leaders are now engaged in the U.N.-led negotiation in Djibouti. In September 2007, Somalis from the Diaspora, civil society, opposition groups, and former members of parliament met in Eritrea and formed the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARC). More than 400 people participated at the founding conference. The Al-Shabaab, the Youth, did not participate, and later condemned the leadership of the Alliance. The Alliance significantly reduced the dominance of the Council of the Islamic Courts and brought into the leadership people from civil society, women's groups, and former members of the TFG. The Alliance also brought into the coalition people from different regions and clans of Somalia. In addition, individuals, such as Hassan Aweys, considered by the west as extremists or terrorists, were not given leadership positions. According to the Alliance, the main objectives of the coalition are: · The liberation of Somalia from Ethiopia. · Somali solutions by Somali-stake-holders through dialogue and peaceful means. · To establish a National Government "completely devote its utmost care to the welfare of the people, protect its rights, properties and promote its spiritual and material development."12 · Fighting crimes and violence targeted against civilian population, such as killing, raping, pillaging, dislodging and displacing. · Resettlement of displaced people. · Organize general elections once peace and security is established. In March 2008, the Chairman of the Alliance in a letter to the President of the Security Council wrote "A peacekeeping mission would be possible only after the departure of the Ethiopian troops. Experience has shown that when peacekeepers are unilaterally imposed by the Security Council, they turn into peace enforcers. To avoid such a situation, the consent of the parties to the conflict is essential." In January 2008, the Alliance leadership informed a congressional delegation that the Alliance will accept a humanitarian cease-fire, zones of tranquility, and negotiations with the TFG and others once Ethiopian forces are replaced by a neutral force. This position led to a split of the Alliance. Many of the top leaders of the Alliance left Eritrea for Djibouti to participate in the U.N.-sponsored negotiations. tilpS eht erofeB SRA eht fo licnuoC evitucexE eht fo pihsredaeL ehT.1 elbaT emaN eltiT noitailiffA demhA hkiehS firahS hkiehS namriahC cimalsI eht fo licnuoC ilamoS )CICS( struoC bilaG demhoM amaJ lareneG namriahC eciV yteicoS liviC idbA dumahoM igaH airakaZ namriahC eciV tnemailraP .D.hP ,uoddA nassaH miharbI .forP rosivdA sriaffA ngieroF CICS rihaD ilA demahoM .rD tnatlusnoC noitartsinimdA lautcelletni ilamoS ibbI miharbI namharidbA .forP eht ot tnatsissA tnemailraP namriahC miharbI .H fusuY rodassabmA sriaffA ngieroF tnemailraP yraterceS hkiehS ihalludbA demhA yraterceS noitamrofnI yteicoS liviC nedA ihsaH ramO .loC yraterceS roiretnI tnemailraP hkiehS ihalludbA demhA yraterceS noitamrofnI yteicoS liviC 12 Political program of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia. emaN eltiT noitailiffA nedA ihsaH ramO .loC yraterceS roiretnI tnemailraP ilA demahoM hatifidbA yraterceS ecnaniF CICS daiS demahoM fusuY yraterceS esnefeD CICS DM ,demahoM demhA demahoM .rD yraterceS htlaeH yteicoS liviC .D.hP ,miharbI ilA demahoM .rD yraterceS ecitsuJ CICS miharbI idbA dumahoM .rD yraterceS noitatilibaheR dna feileR hkiehS demhoM aiswoF .srM yraterceS sthgiR namuH tnemailraP nazraT demhA dumahoM yraterceS gniniarT & gninnalP aropsaiD enakahD demhoM ridakludbA yraterceS noitacudE tnemailraP erayraG miharbI demhoM yraterceS sriaffA laicoS aropsaiD niassuH elludbA demhA yraterceS noitailicnoceR CICS hkiehS ihalludbA yraterceS gnitiduA CICS On December 24, 2006, Ethiopian and TFG forces launched a military campaign against the forces of the ICU, a group that took over power in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, in June 2006. On December 28, 2006 Ethiopian troops captured Mogadishu with little resistance from the ICU. The ICU leadership decided a day before the Mogadishu attack to leave the city in order to avoid bloodshed and the destruction of Mogadishu, according to a senior official of the ICU.13 On January 1, 2007, the ICU lost its last stronghold, Kismaayo, after its forces withdrew to an area near the Kenyan border, although most of its fighters and leaders either simply melted into society throughout Somalia or fled to neighboring countries. Some of the top leaders of the ICU are in Yemen, Djibouti, Kenya, and Somalia.14 In late January, the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Somali Council of Islamic Courts (SCIC), formerly known as ICU, Sharif Sheik Ahmed, traveled to Kenya. On January 24, 2007, the U.S. Ambassador to Kenya, Ambassador Michael Ranneberger, reportedly met with Sheik Ahmed. Other leaders of the Courts have also been approached by U.S. officials as part of a new strategy to reach out to Court officials and others to participate in proposed negotiations among Somali groups and the TFG. The Ethiopian military intervention, while it has accomplished its military objective of ousting the Courts from Mogadishu and other areas the Courts controlled, has been criticized by governments and regional organizations. The African Union, the European Commission, the Arab League, and others have called for the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force. Ethiopian officials argued that their military action is justified because the Islamic Courts posed a serious threat to Ethiopia and regional stability, and because the Islamic Courts is an extremist, Jihadist group. Ethiopian and U.S. officials also have accused the Courts of being influenced or tied to well known terrorist individuals and Al Qaeda. Islamic Courts officials have repeatedly rejected these allegations and on a number of occasions have offered to work with U.S. officials, according to one senior Courts official. Allegations about the presence of the three suspects 13 Author interview with senior ICU official in late December 2006. 14 Author interview with senior ICU official and regional sources in the Horn of Africa. involved in the bombings of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 have been made on many occasions over the years. However, the Islamic Courts did not exist as an organized group when these allegations were made. Those in charge of Mogadishu and other areas in southern Somalia were the warlords who were and in some cases still are ministers in the current Transitional Federal Government. On January 8, 2007, the United States Air Force, using AC-130 gun ships, attacked several locations in southern Somalia, reportedly to kill the three terror suspects in the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. Reportedly, the United States launched another attack the following day, although U.S. officials deny any further attacks by its forces. The British humanitarian group, Oxfam, stated in a press release that an estimated 70 people were killed in the bombings and vital water resources were destroyed in Afmadow district. A number of governments criticized the U.S. attacks, including officials in Europe and the Government of Djibouti, where U.S. forces are currently stationed. Djiboutian Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Yusuf told the BBC that the raid was counterproductive to achieving peace. He also stated that his government had not been informed about the air strikes. According to a New York Times article, the United States actively coordinated with Ethiopian forces in targeting suspected terrorists and Islamic Union forces.15 U.S. Special Operations troops from Task Force 88 were reportedly deployed to Ethiopia and entered Somalia. Moreover, the United States reportedly shared intelligence with Ethiopian military and used an airstrip in Eastern Ethiopia to launch attacks inside Somalia. A senior Ethiopian government official denied that there was any coordination with U.S. forces. Ethiopian troops have come under attack, and a number of Ethiopian soldiers have been killed by snipers or in ambushes. Some Somalis and human rights advocates are concerned over what some people refer to as a witch hunt by TFG and Ethiopian security forces. Ethiopian and TFG security forces reportedly have been going house to house arresting Oromos (an Ethiopian ethnic group), supporters of the Islamic Courts, and members of the TFG considered not supportive of the new Somali government and the Ethiopian intervention. The government of Kenya has deported dozens of Somalis and other nationals to TFG officials and Ethiopian security forces, according to Kenyan sources. In one particular case, Kenyan officials reportedly blindfolded and handcuffed 30 individuals and returned them to Mogadishu, where these detainees were taken by Ethiopian and TFG security personnel to unknown locations, according to Somali sources and government officials in the region. A number of Kenyan Muslims that were in Ethiopian detention were released in 2008. On January 17, 2007, the Transitional Federal Parliament ousted the Speaker of Parliament, Sharif Hassan Sheik Adan, from his position. The former Speaker, who has been a vocal critic of the Ethiopian intervention and the U.S. air strike, has a strong following in Mogadishu and has been active in reaching out and engaging the Islamic Courts officials when they had control over Mogadishu. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Jendayi Fraser stated in mid-January 2007 that "the no-confidence motion brought against the Parliament Speaker is likely to have a negative impact on this process of dialogue."16 In late January, the TFG elected Sheikh Adan Mohamed Nur Madobe, a former warlord and an ally of President Abdullahi Yusuf, as Speaker of Parliament. 15 Michael Gordon and Mark Mazzetti. "U.S. Used Base in Ethiopia to Hunt Al Qaeda," New York Times. February 23, 2007. 16 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6273949.stm On December 6, 2006, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1725, "reiterating its commitment to a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the situation in Somalia through the Transitional Federal Charter, and stressing the importance of broad-based and representative institutions and of an inclusive political process, as envisaged in the Transitional Federal Charter." U. N. Security Council Resolution 1725 further called for "all Member States, in particular those in the region, to refrain from any action in contravention of the arms embargo and related measures, and should take all actions necessary to prevent such contravention." Moreover, the Security Council expressed its "willingness to engage with all parties in Somalia who are committed to achieving a political settlement through peaceful and inclusive dialogue, including the Union of Islamic Courts." The Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, authorized the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) and the African Union to establish "a protection and training mission in Somalia." U. N. Security Council Resolution 1725 specifically stated that countries bordering Somalia "would not deploy troops to Somalia." At the African Union Summit in late January 2007, several African countries pledged to contribute troops for a peacekeeping mission in Somalia. Ghana, Nigeria, Burundi, Uganda, and Malawi have pledged troops. The African Union is facing difficulties getting governments to make serious troop contributions for the mission. Observers contend that without a negotiated settlement with groups still outside the TFG, it will be difficult to maintain peace and stability in Somalia. As of November 2008, there were an estimated 3,400 AU peacekeeping troops in Somalia from Uganda and Burundi. The African Union peacekeeping mission is mandated to: · support dialogue and reconciliation in Somalia, working with all stakeholders, · provide, as appropriate, protection to the TFIs and their key infrastructure, to enable them carry out their functions, · assist in the implementation of the National Security and Stabilization Plan of Somalia, particularly the effective reestablishment and training of all inclusive Somali security forces, bearing in mind the programs already being implemented by some of Somalia's bilateral and multilateral partners, · provide, within capabilities and as appropriate, technical and other support to the disarmament and stabilization efforts, · monitor, in areas of deployment of its forces, the security situation, · facilitate, as may be required and within capabilities, humanitarian operations, including the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and the resettlement of IDPs, and · protect its personnel, installations and equipment, including the right of self- defense.17 On February 20, 2007, the U.N. Security Council passed resolution 1744 reiterating its support for the Transitional Federal Institutions and authorizing the African Union to establish a mission 17 Communique of the African Union Peace and Security Council 69th Meeting, January 19, 2007. in Somalia. Resolution 1744 calls for "a national reconciliation congress involving all stakeholders, including political leaders, clan leaders, religious leaders, and representatives of civil society." The resolution, while it welcomed the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia, did not include a provision that restricts the participation of Somalia's immediate neighbors in the peacekeeping operation as resolution 1725 did. The Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1772 on August 20, 2007, authorizing the African Union to maintain its operation in Somalia for an additional six months. The resolution also authorized peacekeeping forces on the ground to take all necessary measures to support and protect those involved in the Reconciliation Congress. Finally, Resolution 1772 called on all Member States, especially those in close proximity to Somalia, to comply with the arms embargo that was established in 1992 by Resolution 733. In early 2006, factional violence in Mogadishu once again erupted, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing many more people. The surge in violence was between militia loyal to the Islamic Courts and a self-proclaimed anti-terrorism coalition backed by powerful local warlords. The fighting in Mogadishu erupted when the forces loyal to a well known warlord and then Minister of National Security of the TFG, Mohamed Qanyare, attacked one of the Courts. The fighting received unusual attention in Somalia and in the region due, in large part, to reports that the warlords were backed by the United States government. The Bush Administration acknowledged that Washington was assisting "responsible individuals" to help bring stability and fight terrorism in Somalia. Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Jendayi Fraser reportedly stated that the United States "will work with those elements that will help us to root out Al Qaeda and prevent Somalia becoming a safe haven for terrorists."18 In late June 2006, Fraser stated that the United States has three major policy goals in Somalia: counter-terrorism efforts, creation of an effective government, and responding to the humanitarian needs of the Somali people. On February 18, 2006, the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT) was created. Very little is known about ARPCT, although the founders of the Alliance are known warlords who contributed to numerous armed clashes and instability in Somalia over the past decade. Members of the Alliance reportedly include Bashir Rage, Mohammed Qanyare Afrah, Muse Sudi Yalahow, Omar Finnish, and Abdirashid Shire Ilqyete. These actors were seen by many Somali groups as major obstacles to the creation of central authority in Mogadishu, as agreed to by all major Somali groups under the IGAD peace agreement in 2004. In early June 2006, Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi dismissed four ministers from the Transitional Federal Government belonging to ARPCT. These ministers include Mohamed Qanyare (National Security Minister), Musa Sudi Yalahow (Commerce Minister), Issa Botan Alin (Rehabilitation Minister), and Omar Finnish (Minister for Religious Affairs). The warlords were dismissed because they reportedly ignored calls by Prime Minister Ghedi's government to stop the fighting in Mogadishu. The Islamic Courts leaders argued then that the TFG did nothing to challenge these warlords and kept them in senior positions in the TFG until the Islamic Courts defeated the warlords in Mogadishu. In late July 18 Peter Goodspeed, "Somalia Looking Like Pre-Taliban Afghanistan: U.S. Backed Warlords, Al Qaeda-Linked Thugs Kill Dozens" National Post, with files from News Services. May 16, 2006. 2006, members of the TFG parliament complained that the U.S. government bypassed the TFG and provided support to the warlords, the same warlords who obstructed peace in Somalia. A member of the TFG parliament told a U.S. Congressional delegation in August 2006 that "you cannot fight terrorism by supporting warlords."19 In early June 2006, the forces of the Islamic Courts captured Mogadishu, forcing ARPCT militia to flee the capital. The chairman of the Islamic Courts, Sharif Shaykh Ahmed, stated that his group would negotiate with the TFG. In response to accusations that the Islamic Courts Union was associated with or had harbored international terrorist elements, Shaykh Ahmed stated that "we are not terrorists and we will not allow anyone to hijack the capital. We have said hundreds of times that America's talk of terrorism in Somalia is fabricated and serves suspicious political purposes."20 The forces of the Islamic Courts Union strengthened and expanded areas under their control after the defeat of the warlords in Mogadishu. The Islamic Courts forces captured the towns of Jowhar and Beledweyne in mid-June 2006. Moreover, for the first time in years, Mogadishu became relatively peaceful, and the Islamic Courts received support from the population in areas it controlled. The level of support enjoyed by the Islamic Courts is difficult to measure, although the group had constituencies from multiple sub-clans and had broad support among Somali women. According to Somali sources in Mogadishu and Islamic Courts officials, the people provided crucial support by feeding their forces and working with Islamic Courts officials in bringing peace and stability. During the Mogadishu fighting, women supporters of ICU played important roles. Since the Islamic Courts largely functioned as providers of social services, the Courts did not maintain a large fighting force. The warlords maintained a robust force in different parts of Mogadishu, with heavy weapons and "technicals" (machine-guns mounted on pickup trucks). The Islamic Courts group had only four technicals when the fighting erupted with Qanyare and other warlords, according to a senior Courts official. The ICU success in Mogadishu effectively led to the collapse of the ARPCT and forced the warlords to flee. Negotiations between the Transitional Federal Government and the Islamic Courts in Sudan did not lead to a major breakthrough, although the talks ended speculation that the Islamic Courts rejected negotiations. The Islamic Courts leaders stated that they would work with the Baidoa- based transitional government, although disagreement on key issues remained. In June 2006, the transitional parliament voted in favor of a foreign peacekeeping force. But this move was rejected by some Islamic Courts leaders as being unnecessary and counter-productive. Earlier, in 2005, the African Union had approved a proposal for Uganda and Sudan to deploy a peacekeeping force to Somalia under the auspices of the IGAD. The deployment did not take place in large part because of the refusal of the United Nations Security Council to remove a United Nations arms embargo on Somalia. The Bush Administration did not support the lifting of the arms embargo, although the United Nations Security Council did provide the necessary exemption in December 2006. In mid-June, an International Somalia Contact Group, consisting of the United States, Norway, United Kingdom, Sweden, Italy, Tanzania, and the European Union, was formed and met to discuss the unfolding Somalia crisis. The United Nations, the African Union, the Arab League, and IGAD were also invited as observers. The Contact Group did not invite Somalia's immediate 19 The author met with several Members of Parliament and the TFG Foreign Minister in Kenya in August 2006. 20 "Somali Islamic Courts Leader Comments on Domestic Situation, Future Outlook." Al-Ashraq Al-Awsat. June 6, 2006. neighbors, in part due to Somali opposition and international concern that these countries are engaged in activities in support of or against some groups in Somalia. In a press release after its first meeting, the Contact Group stated that "the goal of the International Contact Group will be to encourage positive political developments and engagement with actors inside Somali to support the implementation of the Transitional Federal Charter and Institutions. The Contact Group will seek to support efforts, within the framework of the Transitional Federal Institutions, to address the humanitarian needs of the Somali people, establish effective governance and stability, and address the international community's concern regarding terrorism." Meanwhile, in early January 2007, the International Contact Group on Somalia issued another communique strongly urging that it is "essential that an inclusive process of political dialogue and reconciliation embracing representative clan, religious, business, civil society, women's, and other political groups who reject violence and extremism be launched without delay." The Islamic Courts, while well received by the people in the areas the Courts controlled, received bad press coverage, especially in the West. The Courts' activities were often characterized as extremist and jihadist. The ICU was accused of shutting down cinemas and prohibiting women from working. Some of these measures were taken by the Courts, although for different reasons and not because of the Courts' alleged jihadist and extremist ideology. For example, movies were banned in the morning in response to requests from parents because Somali children were going to movies in the morning instead of school.21 The ban on television did not take place, except for restrictions on watching soccer games late at night, according to Islamic Courts officials and Somali residents in Mogadishu. This measure was reportedly taken because of disturbances and fighting late at night. There is no evidence to support the allegation that women were prohibited from working. Islamic Courts officials point out that in the short time they were in power, they did more than restore law and order. Properties taken by warlords were returned to the rightful owners. For example, the family of President Yusuf reportedly returned to Mogadishu after almost sixteen years when the Courts restored order in the capital, according to an Islamic Courts official. Most important, they argue, they gave hope to the people of Somalia that after over a decade of violence they can live in peace. General knowledge of the top leadership of the Somali Council of the Islamic Courts (SCIC) is sketchy. The leadership was often referred to as jihadist, extremist, and at times terrorist by some observers without much evidence to support the allegations. For example, the assessment of the Islamic Courts by U.S. officials was that less than 5 percent of the Islamic Courts leadership can be considered extremist, according to a senior State Department official. In late June 2006, the Courts established a consultative body to function as the legislative (Shura) arm of the Courts. Hassan Dahir Aweys was elected to head the Legislative Council. Aweys was one of the top leaders of the now-defunct Al-Ittihad Al-Islamiya (AIAI--for more see below) and was designated by the Bush Administration as a terrorist. Sharif Sheik Ahmed, the leader of the Courts, was appointed chairman of the Council's Executive Committee to lead the day-to-day affairs of the Courts. Some observers and government officials have erroneously described Aweys 21 The author had over 25 conversations between July 2006 and March 2007 with senior Islamic Courts officials and Somali residents in Mogadishu. as the leader of the Courts. However, the moderate leader of the Courts, Sharif Sheik Ahmed, was never replaced by Aweys. Some observers argued that referring to Aweys as the leader of the Courts was deliberately designed by some groups and governments to give the Courts a bad image. The leadership of the Islamic Courts remained largely under the control of religious scholars and academics (see below). The focus by some observers and officials on three individuals, Aweys, Hassan Al-Turki, and Aden Ayro, may have been to show the Islamic Courts as a group controlled and influenced by these individuals. Al-Turki, a man born in the ethnically Somali Ogaden region of Ethiopia, was listed by the Bush administration as a terrorist because of his membership in Al- Ittihad. According to Courts officials, Al-Turki did not even hold a leadership position within the organization. Both Aweys and Al-Turki were placed on the list because of their membership in Al-Ittihad. There is no public record to support that these individuals were engaged in terrorist activities against U.S. or western interests. Ayro's role within the Courts was highly exaggerated since he did not have a leadership position in the organization. Ayro was often referred to as the leader of the Shibaab, the Youth, although there is no evidence to support that he was the leader of that group. Ayro was suspected of killing four aid workers in the breakaway region of Somaliland as well as a Somali scholar in Mogadishu named Abdulqadir Yahya. In May 2008, Ayro was killed in a U.S. air strike. Since the killing of Ayro, the insurgency has intensified its attacks and is now in control of many parts of south-central Somalia. ¡ Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. Received a Law Degree from a University in Libya; served as President of Somali Intellectuals Associations; President of the District Court in Jowhar; President of Somali Council of Islamic Courts (SCIC); never been active in politics; married with two children. Now, Chairman of the ARS. Abdurahman Muhamoud Farah. Vice President of SCIC. Studied in Mogadishu; a longtime advocate of peace and clan unity; never active in politics. Abdulqadir Ali Omar. Vice President of SCIC. Longtime advocate of clan unity; religious scholar, and advocated against abuses by the warlords. Ibrahim Hassan Addou. Foreign Secretary and a member of the Shura (Legislative Council) of the SCIC; Ph.D., MA, BA from American University, Washington, D.C.; Worked at American University from 1981 to 1992; held several positions at Benadir University in Mogadishu, including Vice President for Academic Affairs and President; married with three children. Hassan Dahir Aweys. Speaker of the Shura. Former army officer in the Somali Armed Forces; fought in the Ethiopia-Somalia wars in the 1970s; former senior member of Al-Ittihad; fought against Ethiopia and Abdullahi Yusuf in the mid-1990s. Omar Imam Abubakar. Number two in the Shura and effectively the most influential and active member of the Shura; received his Ph.D. from a University in Saudi Arabia; lectured in Mauritania and Somalia for many years. Abdulahi Ali Afrah. Senior leader in the Shura. Holds a BA in Agriculture, longtime civil servant in the Siad Barre government; received an MA from a University in the U.S. and lived in Canada for many years. Muhamoud Ibrahim Suleh. Senior member of the Shura, son of a well known religious leader. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed. President of the TFG. A former senior army officer in Somalia; imprisoned by Siad Barre; attempted a coup against Barre in 1978 and later fled Somalia; led one of the first armed groups against Siad Barre with Ethiopian support; imprisoned by Ethiopian military dictator Mengistu Hailemariam in 1985 and released in 1991 after the ouster of the Mengistu regime by the current government; leader of the autonomous northeastern region of Puntland until 2001. Ali Mohamed Ghedi. Prime Minister of the TFG. Studied in Somalia and Italy; A veterinarian by training; a lecturer and researcher at the Somali National University; no affiliation with warlords or political groups. Ghedi was replaced by Mr. Nur Adde in late 2007. Sharif Hassan Sheik Adan. Former Speaker of Transitional Federal Parliament. Ousted from his position in January 2007; vocal critic of Ethiopia's intervention; had serious disagreements with President Yusuf; initiated negotiations with Courts leadership; a businessman and an advocate of reconciliation efforts. He joined the ARS in 2007. Adan Mohamed Nur Madobe. Speaker of Parliament of the TFG. A former warlord and served as the Deputy Chairman of the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) and as Justice Minister of the TFG. Hassan Muhammad Nur Shatigadud. Minister of Finance of the TFG; a known warlord and Chairman of the RRA. Barre Adan Shire Hiiraale. Minister of defense. Served as the Chairman of the Juba Valley Alliance; Studied at West Point and served as army Colonel in the Barre regime; former commander of the Somali National Front (SNF). Hussein Farah Aideed. Minister of Public Works and Housing. Served as Minister of Interior from 2005 to February 7, 2007; son of former faction leader Mohamed Farah Aideed; studied and lived in the United States; succeeded his father after his death in 1996. He left Somalia in 2007. For over four decades, relations between successive Ethiopian governments and Somalia have been poor. Somalia invaded Ethiopia twice in the 1960s under Emperor Haile Selassie and in 1976 during the Mengistu Haile Mariam military rule. In the first war, the Ethiopian military commander General Aman Andom defeated Somali forces, but his request to go inside Somalia was rejected by the Emperor, and he was ordered to remain behind the border. The 1976 invasion of Ethiopia by Somali forces and Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) initially succeeded, leading to the capture of many Ethiopian towns by Somali forces. Somali forces briefly captured the third largest city, Dire Dawa, in Eastern Ethiopia. However, Ethiopian forces, with the support of Cuban and South Yemeni forces, were able to defeat the Somali forces, although elements of the Somali rebel forces remained in control of remote areas in the largely Somali inhabited areas of Ethiopia. Both Ethiopian and Somali governments intervened in the internal affairs of the two countries, and successive governments on both sides supported each others' armed opposition groups. The current president of the Transitional Federal Government, President Abdullahi Yusuf, was one of the first to receive Ethiopia's assistance after he fled Somalia in the late 1970s. He was one of the first senior officials to challenge the Siad Barre government. Ethiopia was also the principal backer of the Somali National Movement (SNM), the group that liberated the northwest region of Somalia, currently known as Somaliland. The change of government in Ethiopia did not end Ethiopia's intervention in Somali affairs. The current government of Ethiopia became a key backer of a number of Somali factions and leaders, including the current president of the TFG, Abdullahi Yusuf, Hussein Aideed, and other Somali factions. The Barre government was also a major sponsor of Ethiopian armed rebel groups. The current ruling party of Ethiopia, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), received assistance from Somali authorities and a number of the EPRDF leaders reportedly carried Somali-issued passports. Other rebel groups, including the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), also received assistance from Somalia. The ouster of the Siad Barre government and the absence of a central government in Somalia ended support for Ethiopian armed groups, although some Somali factions continue to support the ONLF. For most of the 1990s, Ethiopia's primary concern was Al-Ittihad in Somalia and its activities in support of the ONLF. Al-Ittihad and ONLF carried out a number of attacks against Ethiopian targets, and Ethiopian security forces have violently retaliated against these groups and their supporters. The fighting with Al-Ittihad was triggered in the early 1990s when Ethiopian security forces brutally cracked down on the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a member of the first transitional government of Ethiopia. The ONLF joined the transitional government of Ethiopia in part because the Ethiopian Transitional Charter provided nations and nationalities the right to self determination; however, the ONLF push for self determination created tension between the ruling EPRDF and the ONLF. In the early 1990s, Ethiopian security forces assassinated a number of ONLF leaders, cracked down on the organization, and moved the Ethiopian Somali Region capital from Gode to Jijiga, a central government stronghold. Members of the ONLF fled to Somalia and were embraced by Al- Ittihad, a fairly new group at that time. Hence, some observers view Al-Ittihad as a group largely concerned with domestic issues. Ethiopia's principal interest at that time was to ensure that a united Somalia did not pose a threat to Ethiopia and that the Somali-inhabited-region of Ethiopia remained stable. Ethiopian forces attacked Somalia a number of times over the past decade and often maintained presence inside Somali territory. Ethiopia's relationship with the current president of the TFG was strengthened when Yusuf backed Ethiopia's efforts against Al-Ittihad in the 1990s. The Ethiopian government's animosity towards the ousted Shura leader of the Islamic Courts, Sheik Aweys, is linked to Aweys' role as one of the leaders of Al-Ittihad fighting against Ethiopia and that of Abdullahi Yusuf. In 2004, the government of Ethiopia released a report, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia's Foreign Policy, Security Policy and Strategy. The 158-page report covers a wide range of issues, including Ethiopia's assessment of its relations with Somalia. The report states that Somalia attacked Ethiopia twice in pursuit of its Greater Somalia ambition. The report notes that "at this time the Greater Somalia agenda has failed." Moreover, the Greater Somalia agenda no longer poses a serious threat to Ethiopia. The report contends that the factionalization of Somalia has allowed anti-peace and extremists elements to become strong, posing a threat to Ethiopia. In order to reduce the threat from some parts of Somalia, the Ethiopian government must pursue a policy of engagement and support to Puntland and Somaliland, according to the report. The report also recommends a policy of targeting those armed elements that threaten Ethiopian security. This report was released two years before the Islamic Courts emerged, although the report gave the same labels of extremist, terrorist, and anti-peace to groups that were dominant at that time. In 1991, General Mohamed Siad Barre, who came to power through a military coup in 1969, was ousted from power by several Somali armed groups. Following the collapse of central authority in Mogadishu, rival Somali groups engaged in armed struggle for personal political power and prevented food and medicine from reaching innocent civilians suffering from drought and famine. An estimated 500,000 people died from violence, starvation, and disease as Somalia was wracked by continued internal chaos. On November 9, 1992, then-President George H.W. Bush authorized Operation Restore Hope, using the U.S. military, to safeguard non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to the suffering Somali civilian population. The U.S.-led United Task Force (UNITAF) successfully subdued the warlords and armed factions and enabled NGOs to safely provide humanitarian relief to Somalis. In May 1993, UNITAF handed over the operation to the United Nations. The U.N. effort was known as United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) II. In May 1993, UNOSOM II coalition forces were attacked by one of the factions in Mogadishu. On October 3, 1993, after a seventeen-hour battle between U.S. troops and Somali factions in Mogadishu, in which 18 U.S. Rangers were killed, President Clinton ordered the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Somalia. In March 1994, the United States completely pulled out of Somalia and, one year later, the United Nations pulled out the remaining peacekeepers. Since the withdrawal of United Nations forces in March 1995, Somalia has been without a central government and has been splintered into several regions controlled by clan- based factions. There have been 14 Somali reconciliation or peace conferences to bring an end to the fighting in Somalia since the early 1990s. Some were held under the auspices of or were supported by the United Nations, or governments in the Horn of Africa. These efforts have largely failed to bring about lasting peace in Somalia. Moreover, competing efforts by international actors contributed to the failure of peace efforts in Somalia. In 1996, the Government of Ethiopia convened a peace process in the resort town of Sodere, Ethiopia. Many political actors and armed factions participated, although a few boycotted the peace process. The Sodere process collapsed when the government of Egypt convened another meeting of the Somali groups in Cairo in 1997. Subsequently, the Cairo initiative failed when yet another peace conference was convened by Somali factions in Bosaso, Somalia in 1998. In February 2000, IGAD approved a peace plan proposed by the government of Djibouti. In May 2000, the Somali Reconciliation Conference opened in Arta, Djibouti in which 400 delegates took part for several months of deliberation. The Arta process was boycotted by several powerful warlords, as well as the governments of Somaliland and Puntland. On August 13, 2000, participants agreed to the creation of a Transitional National Government (TNG) and a Transitional National Assembly (TNA). On August 26, 2000, participants nominated Abdulqassim Salad Hassan as president of the TNG. In October 2002, the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development launched another peace process, led by the government of Kenya. An estimated 350 delegates from different regions of Somalia participated in the opening session of the conference in the Kenyan town of Eldoret. The Government of Somaliland boycotted the conference. In the first phase of the conference, the parties signed a temporary cease-fire, and agreed to respect and honor the outcome of the conference. The parties further agreed to establish a federal system of government and committed themselves to fight terrorism. In September 2003, the parties agreed on a Transitional National Charter, paving the way for a National Unity government. In August 2004, a new Transitional Somali Parliament was inaugurated in Kenya. The 275- member parliament consists of the major political factions and seems to represent all the major clans of Somalia. The Transitional Charter allocated 61 seats for the major four clans and 31 seats for the small clans. The Charter also allocated 12% of the seats to women. The Charter accepted Islam as the national religion and agreed that Sharia law would be the basis of national legislation. In fact, previous Somali constitutions had similar provisions. In October 2004, the Somali Transitional Parliament elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as the new president of Somalia. The swearing in ceremony was attended by 11 heads of government from African countries and representatives from regional organizations and the United Nations. In November 2004, President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed appointed Professor Ali Mohamed Gedi as prime minister. The transitional government, however, was not able to function effectively or move to Mogadishu in large part due to opposition from the warlords in Mogadishu, even though some of these warlords signed the agreement and were ministers in the government. The inability of the transitional government to establish effective control allowed warlords and clan factions to dominate many parts of Somalia until late December 2006. Some observers contend that the defeat of the warlords by the Islamic Courts paved the way for the establishment of central authority in Mogadishu. Somalia's recent peace effort, the National Reconciliation Congress, convened in the Shagaani district of Mogadishu on July 15, 2007 after being postponed twice for logistical and security reasons. The first phase of the conference came to an end on August 30, 2007. Somali Ambassador to Kenya Mohammed Ali Nur spoke optimistically about the results of the first phase of the conference at a news conference in Nairobi, Kenya: "I am happy to announce the declaration of peace agreement between major clans who are participating in the congress has already been signed...The transitional government has done and will continue doing its best to lead the process of reviving Somalia from the ashes of the vicious civil war." Whereas the first phase of the conference focused on the resolution of clan conflicts and disarmament, the second phase focused on issues such as power sharing, governance, sharing of natural resources, sea piracy, welfare, and internally displaced persons. The TFG did not take steps to address these issues since the Congress ended its meeting in late 2007. The United States, Somali neighbors, and some Somali groups have expressed concern over the years about the spread of Islamic fundamentalism in Somalia. In the mid-1990s, Islamic courts began to emerge in parts of the country, especially in the capital of Mogadishu. These courts functioned as local governments and often enforced decisions by using their own Islamic militia. Members of the Al-Ittihad militia (see background below) reportedly provided the bulk of the security forces for these courts in the areas AIAI had a presence. The absence of central authority in Somalia created an environment conducive to the proliferation of armed factions throughout the country. Ethiopian security forces invaded Somalia on a number of occasions to disrupt the activities of Al-Ittihad and its allies or in support of certain armed factions. Somali factions, including the so-called Islamic groups, often go through realignments or simply disappear from the scene. Very little is known about the leadership or organizational structure of these groups, including Al-Ittihad. There have been three known Islamic groups in Somalia whose prominence has alternately waxed and waned: Al-Ittihad Al-Islamiya (mentioned below), Al-Islah (Reform), and Al-Tabligh (Conveyers of God's Work). In 1995, a group called Jihad al- Islam, led by Sheikh Abbas bin Omar, emerged in Mogadishu, and gave the two main warlords, General Mohamed Farah Aideed and Ali Mahdi, an ultimatum to end their factional fighting. The group claimed at that time that it maintained offices in several countries, including Yemen, Pakistan, Kenya, and Sudan. Not much was heard subsequently from Jihad al-Islam, although a group of Somalis later formed the Sharia (Islamic law) Implementation Club (SIC) in 1996. SIC's principal objective was to establish Sharia courts throughout the country. Some members of the Mogadishu-based former Transitional National Government (TNG) reportedly were key players in the establishment of these courts. Very little is known about al-Islah, although it is perceived as a group dominated by Hawiye clan businessmen. According to the State Department's 2006 Country Reports on Terrorism, "while numerous Islamist groups engaged in a broad range of activities operate inside Somalia, few of these organizations have any known links to terrorist activities. Movements such as Harakat al-Islah (al-Islah), Ahlu Sunna wal Jamaa (ASWJ), and Majma Ulimadda Islaamka ee Soomaaliya (Majma') sought power by political rather than violent means and pursued political action via missionary or charity work. Missionary Islamists, such as followers of the Tablighi sect and the "New Salafis" generally renounce explicit political activism. Other Islamist organizations became providers of basic health, education, and commercial services, and were perceived by some as pursuing a strategy to take political power." U.S. officials have long expressed concern about the presence of known terrorist individuals in East Africa. Some observers contend that Somalia is being used as a transit and hiding place by some of these individuals, including Haroon Fazul, the leader of the 1998 and 2002 bombings, Saleh Nabhan, and Talha al-Sudani. But no Somali group has been directly linked to any terrorist attacks against the U.S. or its allies. Al-Ittihad was perhaps the most active and at one point most successful of all the Islamic groups. Al-Ittihad is an Islamic group whose principal ideology was to establish an Islamic state and to bring law and order by utilizing the Islamic court system. Founded in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Al-Ittihad unsuccessfully sought to replace clan and warlord politics with an Islamic state. In the early 1990s, Al-Ittihad had modest successes; for example, it administered territories under its control in the south. But Al-Ittihad never emerged as a major military or political force in Somalia. The clan-based groups and factions led by warlords in Mogadishu are secular and have been at odds with Al-Ittihad, even though some of these groups maintained tactical alliances from time to time with Al-Ittihad. Al-Ittihad's failure to maintain control over territories and spread its ideology led to a shift in strategy in the mid-1990s. Al-Ittihad abandoned its ambition to spread its ideology through military means and began to concentrate on providing social services to communities through Islamic schools and health care centers. Al-Ittihad's social activities and religious objectives in Somalia seemed inconsistent with its activities in support of armed groups in the Somali-inhabited region of Ethiopia. In Ethiopia, Al- Ittihad was reportedly engaged in military activities in support of ethnic Somalis. Several anti- Ethiopian groups are active in the Somali region and Al-Ittihad cooperated with these groups in carrying out attacks against Ethiopian targets. In 1999, the Ogaden Islamic Union under the leadership of Muhammad Muallem Omar Abdi, the Somali People's Liberation Front under the leadership of Ahmed Ali Ismail, and the Western Somali Liberation Front under the leadership of Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Hussein formed a coalition called the United Front for the Liberation of Western Somalia, their term for the Somali-inhabited region of Ethiopia.22 The Ogaden National Liberation Front was engaged in military activities in the region, and in the past formed alliances with other Ethiopian opposition groups. Many Somali watchers believe that Al-Ittihad's strength was highly exaggerated and that information about its alleged links with international terrorist organizations is unreliable. The State Department's Country Reports on Terrorism stated in 2006 that "in recent years the existence of a coherent entity operating as AIAI (Al-Ittihad) has become difficult to prove." There is no reliable information or pattern of behavior to suggest that Al-Ittihad had an international agenda as was the case with the National Islamic Front (NIF) government of Sudan. Some observers note that if Al-Ittihad had a clear internationally-oriented agenda, its obvious ally in the region would be the NIF regime in Sudan or the Sudanese-backed Eritrean Islamic Jihad. The Sudanese regime did back regional extremist groups and international terrorist organizations, but there was no apparent relationship between the NIF and Al-Ittihad. Many Somalis often refer to Al-Ittihad's social services and the peace and stability that prevailed in the areas it controlled. In late September 2001, the Bush Administration added Al-Ittihad to a list of terrorism-related entities whose assets were frozen by an Executive Order. Bush Administration officials accused Al-Ittihad of links with Al Qaeda. The Administration did not publicly offer evidence supporting its allegations, but some officials asserted that links between AIAI and Al Qaeda date back to the U.S. presence in Somalia during Operation Restore Hope (1992-1994). This assertion, however, seems inconsistent with the reality on the ground at that time, according to some observers. Then, the dominant players in Mogadishu were the warlords and not Al-Ittihad. In early November 22 Foreign Broadcast Information Services (FBIS). "Islamists Regroup Their Forces After Ethiopian Preemptive Strike," May 17-23, 1999. 2001, federal authorities raided several Somali-owned money transfer businesses in the United States operated by Al-Barakaat Companies. The Bush Administration ordered the assets of Al-Barakaat frozen because of its alleged links to Al Qaeda. U.S. officials, however, later seemed to back off from their earlier assertion that Al- Barakaat and individuals associated with the money transfer business sector are directly linked to Al Qaeda. In September 2002, U.S. officials cleared three Somalis and three Al-Barakaat branches accused of ties with Al Qaeda. The three individuals and businesses were removed from the U.S. Treasury Department list of terrorist supporters and their assets were also unfrozen. Nonetheless, the Bush Administration remains concerned about terrorist activities in Somalia, although no attacks against U.S. interests have been carried out by any known Somali groups. The United States has had no presence in Somalia since Washington pulled out of the peacekeeping operation in 1994. In September 2008, the European Court of Justice annulled the decision taken by the EU Council to freeze the assets of two Somalis and Al-Barakaat International Foundation of Sweden. snalcbuS dna snalC ilamoS rojaM .1 erugiF .7002 yraunaJ ,7 .veR 0963 .oN paM ,snoitarepO gnipeekecaeP fo tnemtrapeD snoitaN detinU ,noitceS cihpargotraC .SRC yb detpadA :ecruoS ailamoS fo paM . 2 erugiF Ted Dagne Specialist in African Affairs tdagne@crs.loc.gov, 7-7646 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ For other versions of this document, see http://wikileaks.org/wiki/CRS-RL33911